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EZINE: ON A SHOE-STRING .
EZINE: ON A SHOE-STRING .

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Free article marketing represents one of the cheapest forms of business Internet advertising. It originated in printed press where lots of companies used to write informative articles about their business and publish such materials in local newspapers that had to fill their pages with viable content. No commission was charged for the publication, and the company gained from the free publicity as the business contact details were always mentioned. This practice is still in use, and it has led to the accelerated development of free article marketing.
While in some cases, article marketing strategies do require a minor investment, in others, web developers manage to keep the entire process free. And I’ll tell you how this is possible.
The most advantageous situation for beginning investors is when they have the skills and the time to author their materials. This saves them the costs of outsourcing.
The publication or submission to article directories can be free of charge or fee-based. You may choose to use only free directories like enzinearticles where submission costs you nothing.
Constantly submit quality content to such directories and you’ll profit a lot from this form of free article marketing.
There are quite a lot of tips available that can help you with free article marketing. This is definitely not a domain where to work without good knowledge of what you’re doing. Self-education should become a priority, meaning that you have to be informed on the trends that constantly appear on the Internet and thus have the flexibility and the chance to adapt your business to the market variables.
Even if you start with free article marketing as a propeller for your business website, you should create a budget estimate for the future company development. Costs may appear any time during the business evolution, and there is no company without expenses.
Therefore, don’t get over-excited because you use ‘free’ article marketing, as it requires a lot of time, energy and competence that you have to put into your activities in order to enjoy savings.
If you really make profit thanks to the page ranking and traffic increase triggered by free article marketing, you’ll certainly want to take the process to a superior level. Investment will thus become inevitable and a necessary measure for sticking to positive business evolution. At such times, you can consider that you pass from the amateurish to the professional business level. We can only wish you ‘good luck’, then!
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Writers & Artists E-Book.



1. Turn your hobby or interest into an income.
For Example, Why not write a Military History E. Book, and sell it on the internet?
(Great Reading & Much more)

2. H, M Forces. (War, Mental Health & PTSD)
(Psoriatic Arthritis & Management of Pain)

3. Writers & Artists. (ZULU’S & Scripts, great value for money)

4. Business on the Internet. (Personal Development, the small Business & Affiliations)



CONTENTS:

INTRODUCTION. Just click the Links for helpful recourses.

CHAPTER 1.Strategic and Tactical Principles of Warfare

CHAPTER 2.Rorke's Drift

CHAPTER 3. ZULU SCREEN SCRIPT.

CHAPTER 4. Business on the Internet. (Personal Development, the small Business & Affiliations)



CHAPTER 5.Pocket guide to surviving retirement.

CHAPTER 6.MyProposal & Recommendation.


INTRODUCTION
(ZULU’S & Scripts)
Tips & Warnings
No idea is a bad idea, as long as it takes you places.
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CHAPTER 1. Strategic and Tactical Principles of Warfare
Military commanders and theorists throughout history have formulated what they considered to be the most important strategic and tactical principles of war. Napoleon I, for example, had 115 such principles. The Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest had but one: "Get there first with the most men." Some of the most commonly cited principles are the objective, the offensive, surprise, security, unity of command, economy of force, mass, and maneuver. Most are interdependent.
Military forces, whether large-scale or small-scale, must have a clear objective that is followed despite possible distractions. Only offensive operations — seizing and exploiting the initiative — however, will allow the choice of objectives; the offense also greatly increases the possibility of surprise (stealth and deception) and security (protection against being surprised or losing the possibility of surprising the enemy). Unity of command, or cooperation, is essential to the pursuit of objectives, the ability to use all forces effectively (economy of force), and the concentration of superior force at a critical point (mass). Maneuver consists of the various ways in which troops can be deployed and moved to obtain offensive, mass, and surprise. A famous example that illustrates most of these principles occurred during World War II when the Allied forces eventually agreed on the objective of defeating Germany first with a direct offensive against the European continent. Under a combined command headed by Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower, they effectively massed their forces in England, deceived Germany regarding the point of invasion, collected intelligence on the disposition of German forces, and set the vast maneuver called Operation Overlord into motion.
Unthinking rigid attention to a principle of war, however, can be unfortunate. In the face of two Japanese naval forces, Adm. William Halsey's decision at the Battle of Leyte Gulf not to divide the fleet (the principle of mass) led to the pitting of the entire enormous American naval force against a decoy Japanese fleet. Division of the fleet (maneuver) would still have left Halsey superior to both Japanese forces.
Strategic and Tactical Maneuvers
Classification of actual military types of maneuvers and their variations have long been a part of military science. New technology and weapons have not drastically altered some of the classical types of offensive maneuver: penetration, envelopment, defensive-offensive maneuvers, and turning movements.
The penetration — one of the oldest maneuvers — is a main attack that attempts to pierce the enemy line while secondary attacks up and down the enemy line prevent the freeing of the enemy reserves. A favorite maneuver of the Duke of Marlborough (early 18th century), it was also used by Gen. Bernard Montgomery at El Alamein (1942).
The envelopment is a maneuver in which a secondary attack attempts to hold the enemy's center while one (single envelopment) or both flanks (double envelopment) of the enemy are attacked or overlapped in a push to the enemy's rear in order to threaten the enemy's communications and line of retreat. This forces the enemy to fight in several directions and possibly be destroyed in position. New variations include vertical envelopments ( airborne troops or airmobile troops) and amphibious envelopments. Noted single envelopments were accomplished by Alexander the Great at Arbela (or Gaugamela, 331 BC), Robert E. Lee at the Battle of Chancellorsville (1863), and Erwin Rommel at Gazala (1942; leading to the capture of Tobruk); famous double envelopments include those of Hannibal at the Battle of Cannae (216 BC), the American Revolution War Battle of Cowpens (1781), and the destruction of the 7th German Army at the Falaise Gap (1944).
Defensive-offensive maneuvers include attack from a strong defensive position after the attacking enemy has been sapped in strength, as in two battles of the Hundred Years' War, the Battle of Crécy (1346) and the Battle of Agincourt (1415), or feigned withdrawals that attempt to lure the enemy out of position as performed by William the Conqueror at the Battle of Hastings (1066) and by Napoleon at the Battle of Austerlitz (1805).
Turning maneuvers are indirect approaches that attempt to swing wide around an enemy's flank to so threaten an enemy's supply and communication lines that the enemy is forced to abandon a strong position or be cut off and encircled. Napoleon was a master of the turning movement, using it many times between 1796 and 1812. Robert E. Lee used the maneuver at the Second Battle of Bull Run (1862); the German drive to the French coast in 1940 was another example.
The Historical and Theoretical Development of Strategy and Tactics
The historical roots of strategy and tactics date back to the origins of human warfare and the development of large-scale government and empire. The dense tactical infantry formation of overlapping shields called the phalanx, for example, existed in an early form in ancient Sumer (c.3000 BC). The development of strategy and tactics parallels to some extent the growth, spread, and clash of civilizations; technological discoveries and refinements; and the evolution of modern state power, ideology, and nationalism.

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World Wars: Trench Tactics to Nuclear Strategy. World War I began with immense, rapid, national mobilizations and classical offensive maneuvers, but after mutual attempts at envelopment at and after the Battle of the Marne, stationary trench warfare ensued across a wide battlefront. A war of attrition set in that called for total national involvement in the war effort. Two key technological developments in the war were to fashion the strategic and tactical debates of the 1920s and 1930s. The use of airpower was advocated by such theorists as Giulio Douhet (1869–1930), Billy Mitchell, Henry ("Hap") Arnold, and Hugh Trenchard (1873–1956). They insisted that airpower alone could win wars, not only by striking at enemy forces but by strategic bombing —the massive attack on cities, industries, and lines of communication and supply that characterized part of Allied strategy during World War II. The other World War I development was that of motorized armored vehicles such as the tank. The use of the tank as the new cavalry of the modern age was advocated by B. H. Liddell Hart, Charles de Gaulle, and J. F. C. Fuller (1878–1966) in the interwar period. The Germans were the first to effectively use the tactical offensive combination of air and tank power in the field of battle in the blitzkriegs, under such commanders as Heinz Guderian and Erwin Rommel, which conquered much of Europe in World War II.


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The primary tactical advance in World War II may have been that of amphibious warfare. The principal significance of that war, however, was in the first application of truly global strategies wielded by massive coalitions dedicated once again to the offensive. The development of nuclear weapons, which continued after the war, introduced the new science of nuclear strategy and tactics. The immense destructive nature of these weapons, however, meant that warfare of limited strategic goals, using conventional tactics and conventional but technologically advanced weapons, would predominate in the "limited" wars that followed World War II. The very need to keep wars limited has produced a new strategic form: the small, mobile special forces, armed with light but sophisticated weapons and trained in guerrilla tactics, that can be rapidly deployed and as rapidly withdrawn from hostile territory.
Ronald E. Goodman
Bibliography: East: World War Two Reinterpreted (1993); Summers, H. G., On Strategy: Critical Analysis of the Vietnam War (1995).Baylis, John, et al., Contemporary Strategy, 2d ed., 2 vols. (1987); Dupuy, R. E. and T. N., The Encyclopedia of Military History, 4th ed. (1993); Ellis, John, Brute Force: Allied Strategy and Tactics in the Second World War (1990); Gray, C. S., Explorations in Strategy (1996); Handel, Michael, War, Strategy, and Intelligence (1989); Jones, A., Elements of Military Strategy: An Historical Approach (1996); Kahn, Herman, On Thermonuclear War (1969: repr. 1978); Kennedy, P. M., ed., Grand Strategies in War and Peace (1992); Kugler, R. L., U.S. Military Strategy and Force Posture for the 21st Century: Capabilities and Requirements (1994); Liddell Hart, B. H., Strategy, rev. 2d ed. (1991); Murray, W., et al., eds., The Making of Strategy: Rules, States and War (1996); Newell, C., The Framework of Operational Warfare (1991); Samuels, M., Doctrine and Dogma: German and British Infantry Tactics in the First World War (1992); Stolfi, R. H., Hitler's Panzers
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CHAPTER 2. Rorke's Drift
At about midday on Wednesday 22nd January 1879, the men at the hospital post at Rourke's Drift, heard artillery fire from the area of Isandlwana mountain nine miles away.
A few hours later two separate reports were received at Rourke's Drift, the camp at Isandlwana had been attacked by a massive Zulu army (impi), all was lost and the impi was on its way to Rorke's Drift.
Lieutenant Chard and Lieutenant Bromhead, the senior officers at the post, were in a quandary, what to do? Should they defend or evacuate. Luckily, the previous experiences of Commissariat Officer Dalton came to their aid when he suggested, " use the materials readily at hand, bags of mealies and boxes of biscuits, to build a defensive fortification.

Isandlwana
King Ceteswayo, on his succession in 1872, set about building up the Zulu Kingdom. The colonists of Natal saw this as a threat.
On the 11 December 1878 ultimatum was presented to the Zulu indunas. They carried the message to King Ceteswayo. With the expiry of the ultimatum on 11 January 1879, the British troops that had been massing on the Natal borders invaded Zululand.
The target of the British invasion was Ulundi, site of the Royal homestead, Ondini. The British troops were divided into 5 columns. One would advance from the coast, two would invade from Northern Natal (Utrecht and Rorke’s Drift), and two would patrol the Transvaal and Natal borders.
The second and third columns under the command of Col. Glyn, with Lord Chelmsford, the Commander-in-Chief, accompanying him, crossed the Buffalo River at Rorke’s Drift and invaded Zululand.On the 12th January, portions of the British army attacked Sihayo’s kraal and were surprised to find themselves being shot at. Sihayo had managed to obtain 2 small cannons and had built these into caves in the hillside. more


Lord Chelmsford
Frederic Augustus Thesiger was born on 31st May 1827, the eldest son of Frederic Thesiger, later 1st Baron Lord Chelmsford, his wife Anna Maria. He was educated at Eton, commissioned as an Ensign in the Rifle Brigade on 31st December 1844 and exchanged to the Grenadier guards as an Ensign & Lieutenant on 28th November 1845. He was promoted to Lieutenant and Captain on 27th December 1850, he went to Ireland in February 1852 as aide de camp to the Lord-Lieutenant and from January 1853 to August 1854 he was ADC to Sir Edward Blakeney who was commanding the forces there.


Cetshwayo’s place of birth was his father’s kraal of Mlambongwenya, near Eshowe. He was born in a very troubled period in the history of the Zulu kingdom. At time of his birth, Shaka Zulu was wielding a very powerful command of the Zulu nation. Cetshwayo’s father was Mpande, half brother to Shaka Zulu. Though Cetshwayo was not heir to the throne, a turn of events at his early years would put him in the path to becoming the next Zulu king. Shaka Zulu was in conflict with Shoshangane, a leader of a breakaway faction that had fled the Zulu kingdom and had established their kingdom near Delagoa Bay. Cetshwayo’s father was sent to demand tribute and annex the newly established kingdom into the Zulu Kingdom.

Battle of Ulundi
In April, 1879 the British found themselves at their original starting point for the invasion of Zululand, despite recent battles at Gingindlovu and Kambula resulting in massive losses for the Zulus. News of the massacre at Islandlwana had hit Britain hard and in response a flood of reinforcements had arrived in Natal.
Private Henry Hook's account, published in the Royal Magazine
Kindly supplied by Victorian Voices
Everything was perfectly quiet at Rorke's Drift after the column had left, and every officer and man was going about his business as usual. Not a soul suspected that only a dozen miles away the very men that we had said 'Goodbye', and 'Good luck' to were either dead or standing back-to-back in a last fierce fight with the Zulus. Our garrison consisted of B Company of the 2/24th under Lieutenant Bromhead, and details which brought the total number of us up to 139. Besides these, we had about 300 men of the Natal Native Contingent; but they didn't count, as they bolted in a body when the fight began. We were all knocking about, and I was making tea for the sick, as I was hospital cook at the time.
Suddenly there was a commotion in the camp, and we saw two men galloping towards us from the other side of the river, which was Zululand. Lieutenant Chard of the Engineers was protecting the ponts over the river and, as senior officer, was in command at the drift. The ponts were very simple affairs, one of them being supported on big barrels, and the other on boats. Lieutenant Bromhead was in the camp itself. The horsemen shouted and were brought across the river, and then we knew what had happened to our comrades. They had been butchered to a man. That was awful enough, but worse was to follow, for we were told that the Zulus were coming straight on from Isandhlwana to attack us. At the same time a note was received by Lieutenant Bromhead from the Column to say that the enemy was coming on, and that the post was to be held at all costs.
For some little time we were all stunned, then everything changed from perfect quietness to intense excitement and energy. There was a general feeling that the only safe thing was to retire and try and join the troops at Helpmakaar. The horsemen had said that the Zulus would be up in two or three minutes; but luckily for us they did not show themselves for more than an hour. Lieutenant Chard rushed up from the river, about a quarter of a mile away, and saw Lieutenant Bromhead. Orders were given to strike the camp and make ready to go, and we actually loaded up two wagons. Then Mr Dalton, of the Commissariat Department, came up and said that if we left the drift every man was certain to be killed. He had formerly been a sergeant major in a line regiment and was one of the bravest men that ever lived. Lieutenants Chard and Bromhead held a consultation, short and earnest, and orders were given that we were to get the hospital and storehouse ready for defence, and that we were never to say die or surrender.
Not a minute was lost. Lieutenant Bromhead superintended the loop-holing and barricading of the hospital and storehouse, and the making of a connection of the defences between the two buildings with walls of mealie-bags and wagons. The mealie-bags were good big heavy things, weighing about 200 pounds each, and during the fight many of them were burst open by assegais and bullets, and the mealies (Indian corn) were thickly spread about the ground. The biscuit boxes contained ordinary biscuit. They were big square wooden boxes, weighing about a hundredweight each. The meat boxes, too, were very heavy, as they contained tinned meat. They were smaller than the biscuit boxes. While all these preparations were being made, Lieutenant Chard went down to the river and brought in the pont guard of a sergeant and half a dozen men, with the wagons and gear.The two officers saw that every soldier was at his post, then we were ready for the Zulus when they cared to come.
They were not long. Just before half past four we heard firing behind the conical hill at the back of the drift, called Oskarsberg Hill, and suddenly about five or six hundred Zulus swept round, coming for us at a run. Instantly the natives - Kaffirs who had been very useful in making the barricade of wagons, mealie-bags and biscuit boxes around the camp - bolted towards Helpmakaar, and what was worse their officer and a European sergeant went with them. To see them deserting like that was too much for some of us, and we fired after them. The sergeant was struck and killed. Half a dozen of us were stationed in the hospital, with orders to hold it and guard the sick. The ends of the building were of stone, the side walls of ordinary bricks, and the inside walls or partitions of sun-dried bricks of mud. These shoddy inside bricks proved our salvation, as you will see. It was a queer little one-storied building, which it is almost impossible to describe; but we were pinned like rats in a hole, because all the doorways except one had been barricaded with mealie-bags, and we had done the same with the windows. The interior was divided by means of partition walls into which were fitted some very slight doors. The patients' beds were simple rough affairs of boards, raised only half a foot above the floor. To talk of hospital and beds gives the idea of a big building, but as a matter of fact this hospital was a mere little shed or bungalow, divided up into rooms so small that you could hardly swing a bayonet in them. There were about nine men who could not move, but altogether there were about thirty. Most of these, however, could help to defend themselves.
As soon as our Kaffirs bolted, it was seen that the fort as we had first made it was too big to be held, so Lieutenant Chard instantly reduced the space by having a row of biscuit boxes drawn across the middle, above four feet high. This was our inner entrenchment, and proved very valuable. The Zulus came on at a wild rush, and although many of them were shot down they got to within about fifty yards of our south wall of mealie-bags and biscuit boxes and wagons. They were caught between two fires, that from the hospital and that from the storehouse, and were checked; but they gained the shelter of the cookhouse and ovens, and gave us many heavy volleys. During the fight they took advantage of every bit of cover there was, anthills, a tract of bush that we had not had time to clear away, a garden or sort of orchard which was near us, and a ledge of rock and some caves (on the Oskarsberg) which were only about a hundred yards away. They neglected nothing, and while they went on firing large bodies kept hurling themselves against our slender breastworks.
But it was the hospital they assaulted most fiercely. I had charge with a man that we called Old King Cole of a small room with only one patient in it. Cole kept with me for some time after the fight began, then he said he was not going to stay. He went outside and was instantly killed by the Zulus, so that I was left alone with the patient, a native whose leg was broken and who kept crying out, 'Take my bandage off, so that I can come'. But it was impossible to do anything except fight, and I blazed away as hard as I could. By this time I was the only defender of my room. Poor Old King Cole was lying dead outside and the helpless patient was crying and groaning near me. The Zulus were swarming around us, and there was an extraordinary rattle as the bullets struck the biscuit boxes, and queer thuds as they plumped into the bags of mealies. Then there were the whizz and rip of the assegais, of which I had experience during the Kaffir Campaign of 1877-78. We had plenty of ammunition, but we were told to save it and so we took careful aim at every shot, and hardly a cartridge was wasted. One of my comrades, Private Dunbar, shot no fewer than nine Zulus, one of them being a chief.
From the very first the enemy tried to rush the hospital, and at last they managed to set fire to the thick grass which formed the roof. This put us in a terrible plight, because it meant that we were either to be massacred or burned alive, or get out of the building. To get out seemed impossible; for if we left the hospital by the only door which had been left open, we should instantly fall into the midst of the Zulus. Besides, there were the helpless sick and wounded, and we could not leave them. My own little room communicated with another by means of a frail door like a bedroom door. Fire and dense choking smoke forced me to get out and go into the other room. It was impossible to take the native patient with me, and I had to leave him to an awful fate. But his death was, at any rate, a merciful one. I heard the Zulus asking him questions, and he tried to tear off his bandages and escape.
In the room where I now was there were nine sick men, and J was alone to look after them for some time, still firing away, with the hospital burning. Suddenly in the thick smoke I saw John Williams, and above the din of battle and the cries of the wounded I heard him shout, 'The Zulus are swarming all over the place. They've dragged Joseph Williams out and killed him.' John Williams had held the other room with Private William Horrigan for more than an hour, until they had not a cartridge left. The Zulus then burst in and dragged out Joseph Williams and two of the patients, and assegaied them. It was only because they were so busy with this slaughtering that John Williams and two of the patients were able to knock a hole in the partition and get into the room where I was posted. Horrigan was killed. What were we to do? We were pinned like rats in a hole. Already the Zulus were fiercely trying to burst in through the doorway. The only way of escape was the wall itself by making a hole big enough for a man to crawl through into an adjoining room, and so on until we got to our inmost entrenchment outside. Williams worked desperately at the wall with the navvy's pick, which I had been using to make some of the loopholes with.
All this time the Zulus were trying to get into the room. Their assegais kept whizzing towards us, and one struck me in front of the helmet. We were wearing the white tropical helmets then. But the helmet tilted back under the blow and made the spear lose its power, so that 1 escaped with a scalp wound which did not trouble me much then, although it has often caused me illness since. Only one man at a time could get in at the door. A big Zulu sprang forward and seized my rifle, but I tore it free and, slipping a cartridge in, I shot him point-blank. Time after time the Zulus gripped the muzzle and tried to tear the rifle from my grasp, and time after time I wrenched it back, because I had a better grip than they had. All this time, Williams was getting the sick through the hole into the next room, all except one, a soldier of the 24th named Conley, who could not move because of a broken leg. Watching for my chance I dashed from the doorway, and grabbing Conley I pulled him after me through the hole. His leg got broken again, but there was no help for it. As we left the room the Zulus burst in with furious cries of disappointment and rage.
Now there was a repetition of the work of holding the doorway, except that I had to stand by a hole instead of a door, while Williams picked away at the far wall to make an opening for escape into the next room. There was more desperate and almost hopeless fighting, as it seemed, but most of the poor fellows were got through the hole. Again I had to drag Conley through, a terrific task because he was a very heavy man. We were now all in a little room that gave upon the inner line of defence which had been made. We (Williams and Robert Jones and William Jones and myself) were the last men to leave the hospital, after most of the sick and wounded had been carried through the small window and away from the burning building; but it was impossible to save a few of them, and they were butchered. Privates William Jones and Robert Jones during all this time were doing magnificent work in another ward which faced the hill. They kept at it with bullet and bayonet until six of the seven patients had been removed. They would have got the seventh, Sergeant Maxfield, out safely, but he was delirious with fever and, although they managed to dress him, he refused to move. Robert Jones made a last rush to try and get him away like the rest, but when he got back into the room he saw that Maxfield was being stabbed by the Zulus as he lay on his bed. Corporal Allen and Private Hitch helped greatly in keeping up communication with the hospital. They were both badly wounded, but when they could not fight any longer they served out ammunition to their comrades throughout the night
As we got the sick and wounded out they were taken to a verandah in front of the storehouse, and Dr Reynolds under a heavy fire and clouds of assegais, did everything he could for them. All this time, of course, the storehouse was being valiantly defended by the rest of the garrison. When we got into the inner fort, I took my post at a place where two men had been shot. While I was there another man was shot in the neck, I think by a bullet which came through the space between two biscuit boxes that were not quite close together. This was at about six o'clock in the evening, nearly two hours after the opening shot of the battle had been fired. Every now and then the Zulus would make a rush for it and get in. We had to charge them out. By this time it was dark, and the hospital was all in flames, but this gave us a splendid light to fight by. I believe it was this light that saved us. We could see them coming, and they could not rush us and take us by surprise from any point They could not get at us, and so they went away and had ten or fifteen minutes of a war-dance. This roused them up again, and their excitement was so intense that the ground fairly seemed to shake. Then, when they were goaded to the highest pitch, they would hurl themselves at us again. .
The long night passed and the day broke. Then we looked around us to see what had happened, and there was not a living soul who was not thankful to find that the Zulus had had enough of it and were disappearing over the hill to the south-west Orders were given to patrol the ground, collect the arms of the dead blacks, and make our position as strong as possible in case of fresh attacks.
One of the first things I did was to go up to the man who was still looking over our breastworks with his rifle presented to the spot where so many of the Zulus had been. I went up to him, and saw that he did not move, and that he looked very quiet. I went nearer and said 'Hello, what are you doing here?' He made no answer, and did not stir. I went still closer, and something in his appearance made me tilt his helmet back, as you sometimes tilt back a hat when you want to look closely into a face. As I did so I saw a bullet-mark in his forehead, and knew that he was dead.
I went away, and was walking up the dry bed of a little stream near the drift with my own rifle in my right hand and a bunch of assegais over my left shoulder. Suddenly I came across an unarmed Zulu lying on the ground, apparently dead but bleeding from the leg. Thinking it strange that a dead man should bleed, I hesitated, and wondered whether I should go on, as other Zulus might be lurking about. But I resumed my task. Just as I was passing, the supposed dead man seized the butt of my rifle and tried to drag it away. The bunch of assegais rattled to earth.
The Zulu suddenly released his grasp of the rifle with one hand, and with the other fiercely endeavoured to drag me down. The fight was short and sharp; but it ended by the Zulu being struck in the chest with the butt and knocked to the ground. The rest was quickly over.
There was no time to sit down and mope, and there were the sick and wounded as well as the rest to look after. So when the Commander-in-Chief arrived I was back at my cooking in my shirtsleeves, making tea for the sick. A sergeant ran up and said, 'Lieutenant Bromhead wants you.' 'Wait till I put my coat on,' I said. 'Come as you are, straight away,' he ordered, and with my braces hanging about me, I went into the midst of the officers. Lord Chelmsford asked me all about the defence of the hospital, as I was the last to leave the building. An officer took our names, and wrote down what we had done. When the relief had come up the men of the column were sent out to bury the Zulus. There were 351 dead blacks counted, and these were put into two big holes in front of the hospital. The column made the Kaffirs who were with them dig the trenches, but although they dug the holes they positively refused to bury the bodies. There were only a few badly wounded left, as the Zulus had carried off their wounded as they retired. A great many dead were found in a mealie field not far from the hospital.
As for our own comrades, we buried them. This was done the day after the fight, not far from the place where they fell, and at the foot of the hill. Soon afterwards the cemetery was walled in and a monument was put up in the middle. The lettering was cut on it by a bandsman named Mellsop, who used bits of broken bayonets as chisels. He drew a capital picture of the fight. Those who had been killed in action were buried on one side of the cemetery, and those who had died of disease on the other side. A curious thing was that a civilian named Byrne, who had taken part in the defence and was killed, was buried outside the cemetery wall. I don't know why, except that he was not a regular soldier.

PRIVATE HENRY HOOK, 24th REGIMENT FEBRUARY 1905
Back
Buried in St. Michael's Churchyard, Llantarnam, Gwent. Grave immediately to the right on entering. Note headstone states 21th. Regiment. Location can be found on Google Earth at:
51° 37' 58.61" N 3° 00' 11.94" W

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Click on the grave inscription to zoom in, or click here
On the opposite side of the road is a residential home for the mentally handicapped which is named after him, 'Fielding House'. Found from the A4051.
Why was he awarded the Victoria Cross?
Held one hospital room for an hour against heavy odds until his ammunition ran out, then with Hook broke through three patition walls to allow the evacuation of eight patients to the inner defence lines, holding the enemy back at bayonet point. He was 21 at the time of the defence.
Further Information
Born in Merthyr Road, Abergavenny as John Fielding. He enlisted first in the Monmouthshire Militia in February 1877 but later that year joined the 2/24th. He received his VC from Major General Anderson at Gibraltar in March 1880. He served in India in 1880-1883 before transferring to the reserve. He later served as a sergeant in the 3rd Volunteer Battalion, South Wales Borderers.
In 1914, he volunteered for service and served on the SWB Depot staff at Brecon throughout the Great War. He married Elizabeth Murphy and had 3 sons and 2 daughters; one son was killed while serving with 1/SWB during the Retreat from Mons in 1914. He died in Cwmbran in 1932 and was the last surviving Rorke's Drift VC holder to die. (His VC is in the SWB Museum Collection).
Further Information supplied by the South Wales Borderers Museum, Brecon.
The Defence of Rorke's Drift, 22nd and 23rd of January, 1879.
A synopsis of the battle.

Rorke's Drift, as it looks today, with the hospital in the top left
and the church (was storehouse) on the right.
Location can be found on Google Earth at:
28°21'29.48"S 30°32'16.59"E

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In January 1879 the British invaded KwaZulu in South Africa, without the sanction of the Home Government, in a war brought about by the misguided policy of "Confederating" Southern Africa under the direction of the Governor-General Sir Henry Bartle Edward Frere. The fiercely indepedent AmaZulu people refused to lay down their arms and accept British rule over the Sovereign Kingdom. The British General Officer Commanding, Lord Chelmsford, despite having abundant military intelligence on the AmaZulu, had a misconceived idea of the fighting prowess of his enemy. The result was that on 22nd January a British force of seventeen hundred strong, was attacked and only some four hundred men, of whom only some eighty Europeans, survived at a place called Isandhlwana.
Prince Dabulamanzi kaMpande commanded an impi, the Undi 'corps' of 4,500. His men had played little part in the action at Isandhlwana, but goaded on by his men, and despite the orders of his brother, King Cetshwayo kaMpande, not to cross the Buffalo River into Natal, he chose to attack the British supply base close to a river crossing known as Rorke's Drift, which the AmaZulu called KwaJimu.

Looking up towards the hospital building, with some of the original ledge still visable. The post was established in a trading store-cum-mission station that consisted of a dwelling house and a chapel, both sturdily built of stone. The house was doing temporary duty as a field hospital, the chapel was full of stores and there were only 104 men who were fit enough to fight. The command of the post had passed to Lieutenant Chard of the Royal Engineers, when Major Henry Spalding of the 104th Regiment left on the morning of the 22nd January. Commanding a company-strength was Lieutenant Bromhead of the 24th Regiment.* James Langley Dalton, a volunteer serving as an Acting Assistant Commissary and a former Staff Sergeant, ordered the construction of barricades connecting the two buildings with sacks of corn, and an inner barricade with biscuit boxes.
When the Zulus attacked, wielding their short stabbing assegais, they were unable to reach the men behind the barricades and they were blasted by rifle fire at point blank range. Most of those who did mount the breastwork were repulsed by the bayonets of the defenders. Some of the Zulus were armed with rifles, purchased from unscrupulous traders, but they were not trained marksmen and the British soldiers were able to pick them off at long range.
After a number of unsuccessful attacks the Zulus set fire to the hospital, burst in and began to spear the patients. A private named Alfred Henry Hook, a Gloucestershire man, kept them at bay with his bayonet while his friend John Williams hacked holes in the wall separating one room from another and dragged the patients through one by one, the last man had dislocated his knee. Williams had to break the other to get him out of a window and into the yard where the barricades offered some protection.
Fighting went on all night in the fitful glare from the blazing hospital as the Zulus made charge after charge on the barricades. Both sides fought with desperate courage. A patient from the hospital, a Swiss born adventurer Christian Ferdnand Schiess, stabbed three Zulus in quick succession after he had clambered over the breastwork. In the yard Surgeon James Henry Reynolds tended to the wounded, oblivious to the life and death struggle going on all around him. Those too badly hurt to shoot propped themselves up as best they could and reloaded the guns, and re-supplied ammunition to those who were still on their feet.

Queen Victoria

"The British flag still waved over the storehouse"
When dawn came at last, the Zulus drew off taking their wounded with them and leaving at least 351 dead around the barricades. Later Lord Chelmsford arrived on the scene with a column of British Soldiers.
Lieutenants Chard and Bromhead were both awarded the Victoria Cross, as were the redoubtable privates Alfred Hook, Frederick Hitch, Robert Jones, William Jones, Corporal Allen, James Langley Dalton and Pte. John Williams. Surgeon Reynolds got the Cross for tending the wounded under fire; and the Swiss volunteer Christian Schiess - the first to a soldier serving with South Africa forces.
Lt. Chard's Map
Full and detailed account of the Defence of Rorke's Drift
GARRISON ROLL OF RORKE'S DRIFT
The Monument at Rorke's Drift to the 2/24th Regiment
The Memorial to the Zulu Warriors who fell at Rorke's Drift
* In 1879 the regiment that fought at Rorke's Drift was the 24th (2nd Warwickshire) Regiment of Foot. The 24th Regiment later became the South Wales Borderers in 1881 and in 1969 was amalgamated with The Welch Regiment to form the present Royal Regiment of Wales. However, the regimental depot of the 2nd Warwickshire's was based in Brecon, therefore a Welsh influence was very strong.
Account written by John Young, Chairman, Anglo-Zulu War Research Society. Illustration also supplied by John Young
The Defence of Rorke's Drift
A fully detailed account written by John Young, Chairman, Anglo-Zulu War Research Society
All images (except Rev. Geroge Smith) taken from the collection of John Young.
"First comes the trader, then the missionary, then the red soldier." Words spoken in 1879 by King Cetshwayo kaMpande, when alluding to his Kingdom's war with the British, but words that are equally appropriate to the development of Rorke's Drift.
In 1849 a trader named James Rorke purchased a tract of land measuring a thousand acres on the banks of the Buffalo River in Natal. The river formed a natural border between British governed Natal and the independent Kingdom of KwaZulu. Apparently, Rorke was the son of an Irish soldier who had served in the Eastern Cape. James Rorke himself had allegedly seen service in the Seventh Cape Frontier War. On the river at the point close to where Rorke settled was a natural ford across, or as it is referred to in South Africa - a drift. A drift, which in time would bear his name.
Rorke traded his merchandise across the Buffalo to his near neighbours the Zulus. The Zulus proved to be eager customers prepared to barter for anything the trader might offer; trinkets, liquor, beads, cloth - guns! There was the passing trade, whites on hunting expeditions. Rorke set about establishing himself in two large buildings nestling under the western end of a hill, known to the Zulu as Shiyane, the eyebrow. The buildings were brick and stone built, with thatched roofs, and wide stoeps or verandas. One of these buildings served Rorke as a house, the other a store for his merchandise. The Zulu called Rorke's store - kwaJimu, Jim's place. Thus established, Rorke married but it was lonely life; the nearest Europeans were at Helpmekaar, which was then only a small clutch of houses. New settlers opened- up the country and soon settlements sprung-up - Dundee, Newcastle and Utrecht, the towns' names reflecting the origins of the settlers. James Rorke became a respected member of the scattered frontier community. In the wake of the Langalibalele uprising, local volunteer forces were formed from within the male population; Natal was then a Colony, rather than a part of the Cape Colony. Rorke volunteered, and became a First Lieutenant in the Buffalo Border Guard. One of the tasks of the Buffalo Border Guard was to prevent the running of guns into KwaZulu, a task that Rorke must have found difficult to enforce.
In July, 1875, "then comes the missionary." Karl Titlestad, a Norwegian missionary, was anxious to purchase from Rorke his trading post with a view to using it as base to preach the Gospel to the Zulus. Rorke was keen to accept the offer, but he did not live long to realise the profits. He died on 24th October, 1875 at the age of forty-eight at his trading-post after a very short illness. Some contend he shot himself in a rage. His widow eventually sold the trading post to the Norwegian Missionary Society in 1878. A Swedish missionary, Otto Witt, took up the incumbency of what was now a Mission Station. Rorke's store was transformed into a makeshift church. Witt also decided to rename Shiyane, which he called Oskarberg in honour of the King of Norway and Sweden. Witt endeavoured to spread the cause of Christianity across the Buffalo River to the so-called heathen Zulus. But King Cetshwayo was wary of the methods employed by all missionaries, the king preferring to consort with European traders; his eye was on worldly goods, rather than heavenly wealth.

Reverend Otto Witt
Under these adverse conditions Witt laboured to convert the Zulus in the vicinity of Rorke's Drift. Across the Buffalo River, were the umuzi of the Chieftain Sihayo kaXongo. Sihayo was a personal favourite of King Cetshwayo, who had supported the uSuthu faction which had led the king to power, and who had fought at the side of the king in the bitter war of succession. But Sihayo was a progressive man for his time; he opted to wear European dress, and shared the Witts' hospitality at their dinner table. Sihayo had wide-reaching network of trading links extending throughout Natal, Swaziland and Mozambique. He had at his disposal horses, wagons and firearms. And he also had two unfaithful wives. It was the incursion into Natal in July 1878, and the ultimate fate of those two women, which Sir Henry Bartle Edward Frere, abetted by Sir Theophilus Shepstone, used to give as one of the reasons for the Ultimatum delivered to the Zulu delegation on the banks of the Lower Tugela River, under the wild fig tree close to the Indian Ocean, on 11th December, 1878. An ultimatum, which Frere knew King Cetshwayo, could not accept, and would lead to one path - war! Frere in his guise as Commander-in-Chief, Southern Africa, placed the conduct of the war in the hands of Lieutenant-General Lord Chelmsford, General Officer Commanding Southern Africa.

A contemporary 'colourised' photograph showing the ponts at Rorke's Drift
"Then comes the red soldier." Lord Chelmsford attached his headquarters to Number Three Column. The Column mustered at Helpmekaar in December, 1878, waiting in vain for a response from the Zulu sovereign. When it was deduced that no response would be forthcoming Number Three Column moved on to Rorke's Drift and pitched camp. The former trading post, come mission-station, was ideally situated as an advanced commissariat supply depôt to support an invasion. Consequently, Witt had his mission-station requisitioned.
The church was pressed into service as a store, and Witt's house transformed into a hospital, to house a few sick and injured men. Witt made arrangements for his wife and daughter to go and stay with friends at Msinga, whilst he remained to keep a watchful eye on his mission-station. Ponts were employed at Rorke's Drift, under the supervision of a civilian ferryman named Daniells. Shortly after dawn on Saturday, 11th January, 1879 the British, Colonial and African elements of Number Three Column began crossing the flooded waters of the Buffalo River into Zululand. The invasion was underway.
Left behind in command at Rorke's Drift was Brevet Major Henry Spalding, of the 104th Regiment, Lord Chelmsford's Deputy Assistant Adjutant and Quartermaster General. One of his many tasks was to keep open the lines of communication and supply between the advancing column and Helpmekaar.
In charge of the stores depôt at the mission-station was Assistant Commissary Walter Dunne of the Commissariat and Transport Department. Two locally recruited volunteers; Acting Assistant Commissary James Langley Dalton and Acting Storekeeper Louis Byrne, and Second-Corporal Francis Attwood of the Army Service Corps assisted him in this task.
The patients of the improvised hospital were under the care of Surgeon James Henry Reynolds of the Army Medical Department, aided by three other-ranks of the Army Hospital Corps and a civilian servant. Three of Reynolds's patients were casualties from the first clash with the Zulus at Sokhexe, wounded in the assault on Sihayo's Kraal. The others, some eighteen or so were members of the Column who were suffering from various ills and injuries.

2nd Battalion of the 24th Regiment of Foot, taken in September of 1879 at Pinetown
The garrison at the mission-station was formed by 'B' Company, of the 2nd Battalion, of the 24th (2nd Warwickshire) Regiment of Foot. The Company was under the command of Lieutenant Gonville Bromhead. Bromhead was a popular officer, but it is said that he was afflicted by deafness, so deaf was he that it was alleged that he failed to hear commands on parade, and it was for that reason his company were chosen for the less than arduous task of protecting the supply depot.
'B' Company's senior non-commissioned officer was Colour Sergeant Frank Edward Bourne. Bourne was a twenty-four year old, short man who had risen to his rank within seven years. He, like many of the men in 'B' Company, had seen action before but this was only on a limited scale in the Ninth Cape Frontier War.
Number Three Column was camped on the Zulu side of Rorke's Drift, prior to any further advance into the enemy's territory. The supply of the Column was hampered when one of the ponts employed in ferrying across essentials had broken down. A small advance party of one officer and five other-ranks of the 5th(Field) Company, Royal Engineers, were hurried up-country from the port of Durban, where they had only landed on the 5th of January. The party arrived at Rorke's Drift on 19th January, the officer leading the party being Lieutenant John Rouse Merriott Chard. The following day, Monday, 20th January, Lord Chelmsford and his headquarters accompanied the advance of Colonel Richard Glyn's Number Three Column, to the temporary staging-camp at the base of the mountain of Isandlwana. Lord Chelmsford had ordered up to Rorke's Drift part of Brevet Colonel Anthony Durnford's Number Two Column to support the offensive thrust into Zululand. Durnford's force arrived at Rorke's Drift late in the evening of the 20th, and encamped on the Zulu bank only recently vacated by Number Three Column. At the same time Lord Chelmsford had ordered that 'G' Company of the 1st Battalion, 24th Foot, should vacate their position on the lines of communication at Helpmekaar, when relieved by 'D' Company of the 1st/24th which was marching up from Greytown, and entrench a position covering the ponts at Rorke's Drift. In the meantime a company of the 2nd Battalion, 3rd Regiment, Natal Native Contingent under the command of Captain William Stevenson, would supplement the garrison.
Lt. J R M Chard in civilian dress

On Tuesday, 21st January, a two-pronged reconnaissance, led respectively by Major John Dartnell, Natal Mounted Police, and Commandant Rupert Lonsdale of the 3rd Natal Native Contingent, left the camp at Isandlwana to probe for Zulu forces in the vicinity of the Mangeni Valley, some twelve miles south-east of Isandlwana. When Dartnell and Lonsdale linked-up they confronted a small force of Zulus, near the Mangeni Waterfall. Fearing they were in contact with the main Zulu force, gallopers were sent back to Isandlwana appealing for reinforcements. But as we know with hindsight, these were not the main Zulu impi, but what many historians describe as a lure to entice a division of Number Three Column. A response, which was exactly what, the Zulu izinduna got. The British response and the consequent disaster at Isandhlwana are dealt elsewhere on this website, but how that affected the garrison at Rorke's Drift must be explained. Late in the evening of the 21st, Lieutenant Horace Lockwood Smith-Dorrien, of the 95th Foot, was ordered to convey the General's orders to Durnford at Rorke's Drift, the order was to move up to Isandlwana. John Chard also received orders from the General's Headquarters ordering his men up to Isandlwana, but the order was somewhat vague as it was unclear whether Chard himself was to go forward.
Early in the morning of Wednesday, 22nd January, 1879, Chard sought permission from Major Spalding to go to Isandlwana to clarify the matter. Shortly after eight o'clock Chard rode into the camp, his men were following behind in a wagon. The camp was alive with excitement, Zulus had been sighted on the Nquthu Plateau to the left front of the camp, and the troops were forming-up in readiness. Chard was informed his men were to be attached to the Column. However, he was required to return to Rorke's Drift and entrench the position overlooking the ponts on the Natal bank. Accordingly, Chard rode back along the track towards Rorke's Drift; here he encountered Durnford at the head of his part-column moving up to Isandlwana. Chard acquainted his fellow Royal Engineer with the intelligence regarding the presence of Zulus on the Nquthu Plateau. Chard's sappers had fallen in with the mainly mounted force, he ordered his Corporal and three Sappers off of the wagon and gave them orders to join the force at Isandlwana. Then he ordered his batman, Driver Robson and a mixed-race wagon driver to turn the wagon, which contained tools, and return with him to Rorke's Drift in order to entrench the position. Upon his return to the mission-station Chard reported to Spalding.
As yet Captain Rainforth's 'G' Company, 1st/24th, had not arrived. Unbeknown to Spalding 'D' Company, 1st/24th had been delayed by bad weather en-route, and had not reached Helpmekaar Spalding was concerned as to the whereabouts of Rainforth's men and penned a camp order deploying one N.C.O. and six other-ranks as a pont guard. This small number were be augmented by fifty of Stevenson's N.N.C. Having done so he decided to ride to Helpmekaar and ascertain the delay of the reinforcements. Almost as an afterthought he consulted a copy of the Army List, to establish who would command the post in his absence. The command devolved to Chard, whose seniority pre-dated Bromhead's by three years. This done Spalding rode out, and with it him went his chance of military glory.
Chard went down to the ponts and settled down in his tent for lunch. At about 12.30 p.m., cannon-fire was heard from the direction of Isandlwana. Surgeon Reynolds, Otto Witt and the Reverend George Smith, a local Anglican missionary and Chaplain of the Weenen Yeomanry, a local volunteer unit, who was serving as a volunteer Chaplain to Number Three Column, climbed to the top of the Oskarberg and peered through a telescope towards Isandlwana. They could see through the heat haze what was obviously a battle taking place.
On the Natal side of the Buffalo, the three observed four horsemen riding at the gallop towards the mission-station, fearing that the riders might require medical assistance Reynolds made his way down to the post, leaving Witt and Smith on the hill top. Bromhead and Chard were also aware of the approaching horsemen, and must have sensed that something was amiss. A rider rode up to Bromhead and Dunne of Commissariat, and blurted-out, "The camp is taken by Zulus!" Dunne peered across the river and saw a number of Natal Native Horse riding towards Natal. At the ponts two white horsemen from the Zulu bank, who asked to be ferried across, were hailing Chard. One of the horsemen was Lieutenant J. Adendorff, of the 1st/3rd N.N.C.; he imparted the dire news to Chard, his companion, Lieutenant Vaine rode on to pass the word to Helpmekaar.

Reverend George "Ammunition" Smith from the Royal Army Chaplains Department's Collection

Bromhead dispatched a message to Chard calling him back to the mission-station. Word of the disaster spread amongst the small pont-guard, Sergeant Frederick Millne of the 2nd Battalion of the 3rd Foot, 'The Buffs', and the civilian ferryman, Daniells, volunteered to moor the ponts mid-stream and with the pont-guard defend the crossing. Chard was heartened by the offer, but politely declined it.
Upon reaching the post Chard and Bromhead found it difficult to comprehend the disaster, which had befallen the camp at Isandlwana. A hurried officers' conference was called, it was James Dalton, who brought the two lieutenants to reality. Stressing that the only option should the Zulus attack the post at Rorke's Drift would be fight - not flight, and with the words, "Now we must make a defence!" he motivated the others into action. A dribble of survivors from Isandlwana, paused and attempted to impress on the garrison the futility of a defence. But the men busied themselves preparing barricades from the stores at hand, and ignored their pleas. Only Adendorff elected to remain. A party of Natal Native Horse of about one hundred men rode up, under the command of Lieutenant Alfred Henderson, who placed his men at Chard's disposal. With Henderson was the meat contractor of the Natal Mounted Police, Bob Hall. Chard ordered Henderson to deploy his men in mounted screen behind the Oskarberg, protecting the approach from Fugitives' Drift. The time was about 3.30p.m. The Reverends Witt and Smith had now come down from their vantage point on top of the Oskarberg. They had distressing news; the Zulus were crossing upriver in force. Witt fearful of his wife's safety at nearby Msinga, decamped taking with him a wounded N.N.C. officer from the hospital. To protect the remaining hospital patients Lieutenant Bromhead had detailed a hospital guard of six men; Privates Alfred Henry Hook, Robert Jones, William Jones, John Williams, Joseph Williams and Thomas Cole. Many of the hospital patients were able to bear arms and the hospital was loopholed in readiness to receive an attack.
Infantry picquets were deployed in skirmishing order on the lower slopes of the Oskarberg, and the pont guard withdrawn to the post. At 4.20 p.m. the crackle of musketry was heard from the position where the Natal Native Horse were deployed, and black horsemen galloped past the now fortified post. Henderson paused and spoke to Chard, he stated that his men would no longer obey orders, and he could not convince them to stand and fight. But their desertion must be considered in the light of their previous actions at Isandlwana, where they had fought virtually from first to last before quitting the field, now they were low on ammunition. They must have thought that a fort built from biscuit boxes and mealie sacks, could do little to deter the Zulus flushed with the success of Isandlwana. Trooper Henry Lugg, a patient in the hospital, heard Bob Hall's famous warning as he too rode by - "Here they come black as hell and as thick as grass!"
Stevenson's untried, faint-hearted N.N.C. company having witnessed the retreat of the Native Horse decided that enough was enough, and opted to quit the post. Stevenson and his N.C.O.'s led the way. Outraged by this defection a number of shots rang out after them, fired from the front of the post, one of them finding its mark in the back of Corporal W. Anderson.
From a position on top of the store's roof, Private Fred Hitch shouted he could see some four to six thousand Zulus advancing towards the post. One wit, Private Augustus Morris, retorted from below, "Is that all?"
Chard withdrew the infantry picquets and the Zulus came in sight. Ranged against Chard's command of scare one hundred and fifty men, were over four thousand warriors drawn from the amabutho-regiments of the uThulwana, the iNdlondlo and the uDloko, all these men were in their forties and wore the isicoco of a married man. The iNdluyengwe were an unmarried regiment, its ranks filled by men in their later twenties. These regiments had formed the uNdi corps had been the Zulu reserve at Isandlwana, their only contribution to that battle had been to harry the fugitives on the trail leading to the Buffalo River. The commander of the Zulu force was Prince Dabulamanzi kaMpande, the half brother of King Cetshwayo. Keen for his share of the glory, which would cover those who had fought so well at Isandlwana, Dabulamanzi heeded the cry "Let us go and have a fight at Jim's!" and contrary to the king's orders to act only in the defence within the borders of KwaZulu, he led his men across the Buffalo and into Natal.
The first Zulu assault was directed towards the rear of the hospital, a mass of warriors from the iNdluyengwe loped towards the building, Trooper Lugg of the Natal Mounted Police recounted, "I had the satisfaction of seeing the first man I fired at roll over at 350, and then my nerves were as steady as a rock..." he continued, "...There was some of the best shooting at 450 yards that I have ever seen."


Rorke's Drift, as the Zulu's would have first seen it

Looking up the incline to the Hospital, and the steep ledge
Private Hook at the other end of the hospital, stated how the Zulus were checked by the fire from the hospital and that from the storehouse, and forced to take cover less than fifty yards from the rear wall. The warriors crept forward and took up positions behind the ovens and cookhouse.
Others swept wide of the hospital and launched an attack on the side of the hospital and the barricade to the front of the hospital. Some Zulus took up position in the broken terraces and caves of the Oskarberg and began shooting down at the post, at this time their inaccurate fire proved more of a nuisance than a threat. Hiding inside one of the caves was Chard's mixed-race wagon driver, who luckily survived to give testimony to accuracy of the defenders' return fire.
Inside the hospital, Private Thomas Cole, allegedly nerved by an attack of claustrophobia, fled from the room he had been detailed to defend with Hook. He emerged from the veranda and moved towards the front wall which was under attack, however, his progress was stopped by a bullet in the head, the bullet continued in its trajectory and smashed the nose of Private James Bushe. The Zulus appeared to be gaining the advantage at the barricade in front of the hospital, a timely bayonet charge led by Lt. Gonville Bromhead, put pay to this, causing the warriors to retreat. Undaunted, again and again the Zulus pressed home their attack, countered each time by Bromhead and his bayonets. Reinforced by the deployment of warriors of the other regiments, the Zulus rushed towards the side and front of the hospital barricade, compelling the defenders to abandon this position. With great haste a line of boxes was thrown-up, a dogleg connecting the eastern end of the hospital to the front wall, from this position the defenders raked the wa
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